Understanding the Concept and Process of Marketing

Personal Development Plan |Column 1 |Column 2 |Column 3 |Column 4 |Column 5 |Column 6 |Column 7 | | | | | | | | | | | |SKILL |CURRENT |TARGET |DEVELOPMENT |CRITERIA FOR |TIME SCALE |EVIDENCE | | | |PROFICIENCY |PROFICIENCY |OPPORTUNITY |JUDGING SUCCESS | | | | | | | | | | | | |PRIORITY No 1. |Presentation skills |Competent enough for classroom but |Confident classroom |Make a presentation in Dr |Achieve at least a B Grade for my end |By the end of the |See â€Å"Self Assessment Template – | | | |nervous. Not professional standard. presenter |Smith’s tutorial group |of project presentation for Dr Patel |academic year |Presentation Skills† | | | | | | | | | | |PRIORITY No 2. |Written Skills |Technical descriptions ok but lack |Good descriptive writing|Show some of my work to |Achieve a 2. 1 in the Humanities |During my second year |See â€Å"Self Assessment Template – | | | |flair in presenting my â€Å"critical |and satisfactory |College Writing Fellow; | Programme assessments.Writing | |Communication Skills† | | | |thinking† |critical writing |prepare better essays for my |Fellow's opinion. My improved level of| | | | | | | |Humanities class. |confidence as writer. | | | | | | | | | | | | |PRIORITY No 3. Commercial Awareness |Interested in commercial issues, but |Practical knowledge |Participate in an industry |Find ; complete internship programme; |During the Summer |See â€Å"Self Assessment Template – | | | |do not have practical awareness | |summer internship programme |be able to talk † real business† with |Vacation period |Placement† | | | | | | |my tutor | | | | | | | | | | | | |PRIORITY No 4. Team working Skills |Poor – dislike working in teams, hate |Reliable and positive |Become a Student Union |Help organise a Society event; note |During my third year |See â€Å"Self Assessment Template – | | | |trusting my marks to others; hate |team member; competent |Society member; read about |how many of the skills I read about | |Teamwork† | | | |having to compromise my ideas |teamplayer |teamwork |were applied by me. Enjoy the | | | | | | | | |experience. | | | | | | | | | | | |PRIORITY No 5. |Leadership Skills |Lacking in confidence; not good at |Confident leader who can|Volunteer to lead on Spring |Group's satisfaction with me; project |During the Spring Term |See â€Å"Self Assessment Template – | | | |delegating and monitoring. |delegate |term group project. |mark; lecturer's feedback; my level of| |Tutorial† | | | | | | |confidence. | | |

Waste Water: Sources, Classes, Management

Waste H2O: Beginnings, Classes, Management Beginnings of effluent:Industrial EffluentsIndustrial effluent is the H2O or liquid-carried waste discharged from an industrial procedure generated from industry, production, trade, automotive fix, car wash, medical activity that may consists of lethal or harmful constituents. Industrial effluents can mean, hand in glove, an indispensable portion of municipal effluents and must be taken in to consideration in order to hold booming wastewater intervention system processes. In some topographic points, industrial effluent releases are gathered together with other community effluents and the assorted wastes are treated jointly. In other instance in point, the industry may afford some pretreatment or limited intervention of its effluents predating to dispatch to the urban cloacas. The sum and nature of the industrial waste is such that separate aggregation and disposal is indispensable. Industrial effluents differ extensively in composing, authority, flow and measure, based on the definite industry or fabrication constitution in the country. Common industries which manufacture considerable volumes of effluents comprises fiber and paper workss, steel Millss, crude oil refinement operations, fertiliser workss and others. Industrial discharges may incorporate really concentrated organic effluents with a great extend O demand, or consists of unwanted chemicals which may destruct cloacas and other composings. They may hold compounds which defend against biological debasement or toxic mechanism which hinder with suited operation of the effluent intervention works. A least common beginning which must be taken into consideration in an industrial waste, is thermic discharge because it reduces dissolved O values. Several industries make usage of immense sum of chilling H2O for case the electric power industry every bit good as the major chemical and metal industry besides uti lize considerable sum of chilling Waterss. Beginnings of industrial waste H2O are assorted, but the metal associated industries are the biggest subscribers. The creative activity ofiron from its ores engages influentialreductionreactions in blast furnaces.The transition of Fe or steel into useable stuff such as sheet, wire and rods necessitates hot and cold mechanical transition phases normally make usage of H2O as a lubricator and chilling agent. It may bring forth contaminations such as tallow, hydraulic oils, and particulate solids. Ending intervention of Fe and steel goods before forward sale into productions comprisespickling whereby in concentrated mineral acid to extinguish rust and creates the surface forchromium or Sn plating every bit good as for other surface interventions for case, galvanisation. Hydrochloric acid andsulfuric acid are the two acids widely used. Effluents contains acidic rinse Waterss added with waste acid. Although many workss manage to hold acerb recovery workss particularly the hydrochloric acid which includes the procedure of boling the mineral acidto take it from the Fe salts, but there is still presence of a immense volume of highly acidic ferric sulfateorferrous chlorideto be removed. Minesand preies industriesalso give rise to the production of primary waste H2O in the signifier of slurries of stone component parts in H2O. This phenomenon occur from rainfall rinsing draw roads and open surface and besides from stone lavation and grading actions. Great volume of H2O involved chiefly rainfall correlated originating on immense countries. Various specified divider operations, for case coal washingto split coal from inhabitant stone by using denseness gradients, can bring forth waste H2O contaminated particulatehaematiteandsurfactants. Effluent from ore resurgence workss and metal mines are surely polluted by the minerals exists in the native stone creative activity. Subsequent suppression and extraction of the wanted stuffs, unwanted stuffs might acquire become contaminated in the effluent. In metal mines industry, this can take history of unwanted metals such aszinc. Extraction of great value metals such asgoldandsilvermay green goods sludges holding bantam atoms wh ich make significant riddance of contaminations becomes on the whole complicated. The industrial effluent is greatly typical in both flow and pollution capacity. Hence, it is impracticable to consign lasting values to their constituents. On the whole, industrial effluents may dwell of suspended, colloidal and dissolved mineral and organic solids. These wastes might be discharged into the cloaca system every bit long as they don’t have any unwanted effect on intervention effectivity or unwanted effects on the cloaca system. It may be compulsory to hold a pretreatment system the wastes predating to dsicharge to the municipal system or it is important to a to the full treated when the wastes is traveling to be discharged unswervingly to come up or land Waterss. Classs of Effluenti?s Effluent can termed as municipal, industrial liquid, domestic, or liquid waste merchandises. Based on their beginning, effluents can be classed as commercial, industrial, healthful, or surface overflow.Sanitary sewerageThe used up H2O from residential countries and establishments, transporting organic structure wastes, ablution H2O, wastes derived from nutrient readyings, wastes from wash, and extra waste stuffs of common life, are classed as domestic or healthful sewerage. 2i?ZCommercial wastes Liquid-carried wastes from service houses and shops provides service to the nearby community, defined commercial wastes, are inclusive of domestic or healthful sewerage category if they posses features that are same to household flows. 3i?ZSurface overflow Surface overflow can be termed as overland flow, which is a fraction of precipitation that runs fleetly over the surface of the land to a definite channel.Gases and particulates from the environment, dissolved and leaches stuffs generated from dirt and flora, suspended affair from the terrain, washes spills and fragments from metropolis streets and main roads, carries all these pollutants as wastes to a aggregation terminal after absorbed by precipitation. Discharges are definedd as point-source when they originate from a pipe outfall, or non-point-source when they are diffused and generated from agribusiness or non channeled municipal land drainage overflow. 4. Storm H2O Stormwater discharges are prouced by overflow from land and impermeable countries such as cemented streets, parking countries, and building rooftops during snow events and rainfall. These discharges normally consists of extended pollutants that could unwantedly act upon quality of H2O. Polluted stormwater overflow is doing of injury to H2O organic structures. Numerous commercial or industrial stormwater discharges are regard as point beginnings The principal method to command stormwater discharges is through the usage of best direction patterns. Over land or via storm cloaca systems, polluted overflow is discharged, frequently unrefined, straight into local H2O organic structures. In unrestrained state of affairs, this H2O pollution can give rise to the devastation aquatic life home ground, a depletion in aesthetic significance and menaces to community wellness due to infected nutrient, imbibing H2O supplies, and recreational waterways. There are several types or categories of effluent that have been countrywide termed by the Consortium of Institutes for Decentralized Wastewater Treatment:GraywaterGraywater is termed as sewerage that does non hold lavatory wastes and H2O from non-food readying sinks, showers, and watering place. A graywater sister is one that receives, procedure, spread merely graywater. Toilet wastes from the residential country or other estlablishment have to be treated with other peculiar system or the abode has to hold a toilet. 2.Garage i ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å¡oor drain liquid Liquid wastes generated from garages serves lone and multi-family places may incorporate precipitation run outing from cars and liquids from agencies of transit lavation, spillage of stuffs amassed or utilised in the garage such as dilutants, dissolvers, pigments, pesticides, cleaners every bit good as liquids from vehicle patch such as gasolene, used oil, antifreeze, other.Hence, there is a possible for parlous waste and other harmful waste inflowing to the i ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å¡oor drain system.Commercial KitchenA commercial kitchen can be defined as centre of nutrient readyings that prepares assorted repasts or groceries and normally green goodss elevated strength effluent. The nutrient service effluent from these centres is harmless, non-perilous effluent and have about same composing as domestic effluent, but which may seldom hold one or more of its constituents crossed the archetypical domestic scopes. Its takes into consideration of all the sewerage wastes from feasible nutrient readyin g, nutrient handling processes or nutrient fabrication resources. Restaurants and bars about at all times have high-strength waste that creates troubles in sewerage intervention. Best direction patterns can be carried out to smooth the advancement of intervention. For case, bound nutrient atoms, the usage of chemicals which may destruct the intervention system’s good bacteriums, and besides limit usage of degreasers, A lubricating oil interceptor, a watertight setup can mean in order to gaining control, coagulate and maintain or extinguish fats, oils, and lubricating oil from food-service effluents. Mentions: United State Environmental Protection Agency. ( 2008 ) .Waste Water Management.Available: hypertext transfer protocol: //www.epa.gov/tribalcompliance/wwater/wwwastedrill.html. Last accessed 21st Feb 2014. Tetra tech.Inc. ( 2003 ) .Water quality methods.Available: hypertext transfer protocol: //n-steps.tetratech-ffx.com/statisticalTool-waterMethod.cfm. Last accessed 3rd Feb 2014. Allison A.Lewinsky ( 2006 ) .Hazardous Materials and Wastewater Treatment, Removal and Analysis. New York: Nova Science Publisher. 131-132. Rein Munter. ( 2003 ) . Industrial Waste Water.Industrial Waste Water Characteristics. 1 ( 18 ) , 185-194. Abdulrzzak Alturkmani. ( 2004 ) . Industrial Waste Water.Industrial Waste Water Characteristics. 1 ( 1 ) , 1-32. Tetra tech.Inc. ( 2003 ) .Water quality methods.Available: hypertext transfer protocol: //n-steps.tetratech-ffx.com/statisticalTool-waterMethod.cfm. Last accessed 23rd Feb 2014.

Societal Impact of Nonprofit Organizations Essay

Societal Impact of Nonprofit Organizations - Essay Example This is essential because these people have been sidelined for very long due to their color and backgrounds. Philanthropists are persons who the heart and the will to help the less fortunate in the society. Most of the known philanthropists are known to have a lot of money hence opting to the carry out activities in the society aimed at developing the community. My favorite philanthropist is Ben Carson because of his inspirational teachings and stake in community based projects that he funds in many countries of the world. Nonprofit organizations play vital roles in the societies since they fight for the rights of the minority and the oppressed in the society. In most cases, they focus on provision of basic services to the less fortunate people in the society. These include the poor and the sick in the community. These organizations ensure that these people get proper medical services and food commodities. The level of U.S. exports to Mexico is influenced by factors such as exchange rates and capital flow within the two countries. It is also the affected by comparative advantage of products and prices of U. S. goods relative to other players in the market. Finally, government legislations play key roles in this trade, as well. The level of U.S. imports from Mexico is influenced by factors such as exchange rates and capital flow within the two countries. It is also affected by comparative advantage of products and prices of Mexican goods relative to other players in the market.

Project 1 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 1

Project 1 - Essay Example The density in each case remained the same for the full candy bar and half candy bar. It is due to the fact, that with the change in the volume, the mass of the candy bar also changed and thus the ratio between the mass and volume remained the same. Both the candy bars have lower densities. The densities in full candy bar and half candy bar remained the same in both the two cases. Both the candy bars have higher volumes and lower masses that made the cars less dense. 3. Explain how buoyancy and density are related in why some things float and others sink. To answer this question completely, use additional resources such as the internet or library. MUST cite your source(s). Buoyancy is the property of an object that keeps it floating instead of sinking. Buoyancy and density are closely related to each other as density is the property of an object that enables it float. If the object has fairly large volume with respect of its mass, it will have less density that enables the object to float over water. In the similar manner, if the object has large mass with respect to its volume, it will sink. In order to float over water, the object should have a density lesser than density of water (Editions.sciencetechnologyaction.com). 5. If measured accurately, your densities should be very close to each other when comparing the whole candy bar to the same half candy bar. What factors would influence your calculations between the densities to be completely different (assuming your measurements weren’t close)? Make a

Project management plan Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Project management plan - Essay Example An effective planning process offers details and facilitates in formation of the project work strategies along with ascertaining an approach to continue and achieve effective findings and objectives of the project (ANA Eastern Region, 2006). An effective project planning ensures to provide effective designs for future initiatives in order to clarify project goals and it also enables to develop the vision of the processes which facilitate to attain the ultimate project objectives. It also evidently enables to identify different issues and provides efficient alternative courses in order to address those issues. Moreover, an effective project planning process further enables to make best utilisation of the resources and it also plays a major role in motivating workforces to effectively utilise the resources and assign responsibilities to achieve the ultimate outcome of the project (ANA Eastern Region, 2006). In terms of preparing an effective plan for ethnic marketing activities, projec t planning stage can also identify certain impacts that can lead to provide substantial benefits towards the organisation’s strategies. With this concern, innovation can be considered as one of the major beneficial aspects for conducting the plan for ethnic marketing to achieve sustainable position as well as to attain competitive advantage in the global market. Moreover, the project plan related to ethnic marketing is further beneficial to achieve substantial growth in the global marketplace due to the reason that there has been a rapid expansion of multicultural consumer segments across different regions (American Hotel & Lodging Association, 2010). Key Stages and Milestones Necessary to Complete Ethnic Marketing Project Plan...In terms of preparing an effective plan for ethnic marketing activities, project planning stage can also identify certain impacts that can lead to provide substantial benefits towards the organisation’s strategies. Key Stages and Milestones Ne cessary to Complete Ethnic Marketing Project Plan A successful and effective project planning considerably encompasses certain major stages. The planning stage in the project management process encompasses a series of activities which involves different elements/parameters of the overall project in order to make the project ready for the execution process. Project plan consists of three major activities such as: Risk Management Plan Quality Management Plan Issue Management Plan Change Management Plan Acceptance Plan Communication Plan Execution & Controlling Stage Project execution and controlling stage can be identified as a major phase where the resources and all project activities are implemented. Project Closing Stage The closing stage of the project management related to the ethnic marketing project is the final step which significantly aims to evaluate the implementation and the results of the activities of the overall project.

Compare two moving image texts the genere gangster flims Essay

Compare two moving image texts the genere gangster flims - Essay Example The main story line of the film is Dick Tracy's efforts to bring down Big Boy Caprice's gangster empire and the search for a mystery assassin known as The Blank. A secondary storyline follows Tracy's romances with Tess Trueheart and Breathless Mahoney. The third sub-plot is Tracy's rescuing a young orphan boy, The Kid, who looks up to Tracy as a father figure. All this becomes quickly tangled when Tracy finds himself framed for the murder of Chicago's beloved (although corrupt) District Attorney, and Caprice's empire begins to take over the city itself. Classical Hollywood cinema has traditionally presented its viewer with a unified narrative. The Untouchablesis a perfect example of this. The film's narrative deals with Treasury Officer Elliot Ness's quest to get criminal Al Capone behind bars. This is a goal that is clearly and explicitly delineated from the start, and most scenes follow the protagonist's actions from that point on. At first he tries to achieve this goal by himself, which leads to failure when he finds out that the rest of the police force is corrupt. As he walks home, depressed about his embarrassing failure, the character of Maloneis introduced. The death of Malone not only has the plot function of strengthening Ness's resolve to catch Capone, it also functions structurally as reinforcement of the audience's sympathy for his quest. When

Leadership 2 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 4500 words

Leadership 2 - Essay Example Figure Name Page No. 1 Cost Leadership Strategy of Giffgaff 5 2 Revenue Decline of the UK Telecom Industry 7 3 Increase in Data Usage 10 4 Reduction in Mobile Voice Cost 13 5 McKinsey 7S Framework 14 6 Present Lattice Structure in Giffgaff 19 7 Proposed Organizational Structure for Giffgaff 20 1. Introduction In this paper, the researcher will shed light on state of art mobile phone service provider Giffgaff which has established its strong presence in telecom service industry of United Kingdom (UK) within few years of its inception. 2. Gifgaff-Introduction Giffgaff is SIM-only mobile network which was created by Gav Thompson in the year 2009 with an intention to attract digitally-savvy customers and the company is headquartered at Uxbridge, Greater London (Marketing Society, 2013). The company is subsidiary of Telefonica and currently it operates with 35 to 40 employees. The mobile operator has differentiated its value proposition by incorporating the community-powered model which w orks in similar pattern as web 2.0 technologies (Gifgaff, 2013). Interesting fact is that, the organization is run by its member partners and these members get rewarded for various activities such as increasing the channel length by bringing new partners, helping the company to earn revenues or promoting the brand etc. 2.1 Competitor Analysis & Business Strategy UK telecom operating industry is hypercompetitive due to presence of many big players with similar kind of product offerings such as Orange, T Mobile, Vodafone and O2. In such context, it was difficult for small player like Giffgaff to enter the UK telecom operating business without formulating unique value proposition statement. Giffgaff decided to work as mobile virtual network operator (MVNO) and operate through O2 network. However, both O2 and Giffgaff decided to target different customer segment and work as separate network player in UK. A comparison between network plans of different competitors can be depicted in the following manner; Figure 1: Cost Leadership Strategy of Giffgaff (Source: Marketing Society, 2013) As Giffgaff uses customers as promoter members and online platform to offer its plan hence the company is able to reduce significant amount of operational cost. The company has also reduced cost of its marketing activities and cost optimization strategy of the Giffgaff has given them the cost benefit advantage to reduce the price of offering in comparison to big players such as Vodafone, T Mobile, O2, Orange etc. However, Giffgaff targets young, digital savvy customers who are ready to engage with the brand and promote the brand by themselves hence it can be said that target market for the company is small. Online community of the company was created in order to handle customer queries of target market in efficient and responsive manner in comparison to call centres of big telecom operators (Marketing Society, 2013). From generic strategy viewpoint, Giffgaff’s business strategy can be viewed as excellent example for focused low cost strategy. 3. Analysis 3.1 Environmental Audit The study will try to understand the macro-environment of UK in terms of political, economic, social and technological factors in order to understand the business position of Giffgaff. Table 1: PEST External Environment Characteristics Opportunity/Threat for Giffgaff Political (P) Government has deregulated the telecom industry which has opened door for many international telecom operators to establish

HUMAN SERVICES Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

HUMAN SERVICES - Essay Example This also shows that he has the determination to work hard and make it in life despite his current situation. Concerning Phil’s family, the parents are still married, and the family is in need of support. Regarding the case of Rachel, the strengths include the ability to make friends, being a good student, self-confidence, survival skills, and optimism. Rachel’s family is still intact despite the challenges they are facing. The strengths that Phil exhibits have great influence on his life. For instance, Phil lives in a difficult environment because of constant fights by his parents, but the strengths give him a strong will to excel despite the family challenges. In addition, though Phil drinks alcohol, the strengths allow him to keep on track of becoming someone better in the future, and not losing his life to street vices. The strengths also have an effect on the family; they bring out the attributes of the family necessary creating an effective collaboration and intervention strategy. Similarly, strengths demonstrated by Rachel influence her life. For instance, she has developed survival skills that allow her to be independent at her young age. These strengths make her a strong-willed person and shape her attitude towards life. With respect to the family, the strength allows the family to function as one unit despite the challenges they have. Strength-based approach is an effective theory as it extends the idea that every individual has inherent capabilities. As a social worker, I believe that each person is unique with capabilities and strengths that determine their story and define whom they are. Additionally, this theory gives the opportunity to turn challenges into capacity in order to create optimism and hope out of a difficult situation (Saint-Jacques, Turcotte and Pouliot 454). Since individuals have the belief that change is inevitable, every person has the urge to explore the world around them, succeed, and help one

Linguistics and Interjections Essay Example for Free

Linguistics and Interjections Essay In Western philosophy and linguistic theory, interjections—that is, words like oof, ouch, and bleah—have traditionally been understood to indicate emotional states. This article offers an account of interjections in Q’eqchi’ Maya that illuminates their social and discursive functions. In particular, it discusses the grammatical form of interjections, both in Q’eqchi’ and across languages, and characterizes the indexical objects and pragmatic functions of interjections in Q’eqchi’ in terms of a semiotic framework that may be generalized for other languages. With these grammatical forms, indexical objects, and pragmatic functions in hand, it details the various social and discursive ends that interjections serve in one Q’eqchi’ community, thereby shedding light on local values, norms, ontological classes, and social relations. In short, this article argues against interpretations of interjections that focus on internal emotional states by providing an account of their meanings in terms of situational, discursive, and social context. p a u l k o c k e l m a n is McKennan Post-Doctoral Fellow in Linguistic Anthropology in the Department of Anthropology at Dartmouth College (Hanover, N. H. 03755, U. S. A. [paul. [emailprotected] edu]). Born in 1970, he was educated at the University of California, Santa Cruz (B. A. , 1992) and the University of Chicago (M. S. , 1994; Ph. D. , 2002). His publications include â€Å"The Collection of Copal among the Q’eqchi’-Maya† (Research in Economic Anthropology 20:163–94), â€Å"Factive and Counterfactive Clitics in Q’eqchi’-Maya: Stance, Status, and Subjectivity,† in Papers from the Thirty-eighth Annual Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistics Society (Chicago: Linguistics Society, in press), and â€Å"The Interclausal Relations Hierarchy in Q’eqchi’ Maya† (International Journal of American Linguistics 69:25–48). The present paper was submitted 1 vi 01 and accepted 27 xii 02. 1. A longer version of this article was presented at the workshop â€Å"Semiotics: Culture in Context† at the University of Chicago in January 2001. Chris Ball, Anya Bernstein, John Lucy, and Michael Silverstein all provided very helpful commentary. This article also greatly bene? ted from suggestions made by Benjamin S. Orlove and several anonymous referees. Western philosophy and linguistic theory have traditionally considered interjections at the periphery of language and primordially related to emotion. For example, the Latin grammarian Priscian de? ned interjections as â€Å"a part of speech signifying an emotion by means of an unformed word† (Padley 1976:266). Muller (1862) ? thought that interjections were at the limit of what might be called language. Sapir (1921:6–7) said that they were â€Å"the nearest of all language sounds to instinctive utterance. † Bloom? eld (1984[1933]:177) said that they â€Å"occur under a violent stimulus,† and Jakobson (1960: 354) considered them exemplars of the â€Å"purely emotive stratum of language. † While interjections are no longer considered peripheral to linguistics and are now carefully de? ned with respect to their grammatical form, their meanings remain vague and elusive. In particular, although interjections are no longer characterized purely in terms of emotion, they are still characterized in terms of â€Å"mental states. † For example, Wierzbicka (1992:164) characterizes interjections as â€Å"[referring] to the speaker’s current mental state or mental act. † Ameka (1992a:107) says that â€Å"from a pragmatic point of view, interjections may be de?ned as a subset of items that encode speaker attitudes and communicative intentions and are contextbound,† and Montes (1999:1289) notes that many interjections â€Å"[focus] on the internal reaction of affectedness of the speaker with respect to the referent. † Philosophers have offered similar interpretations. For example, Herder thought that interjections were the human equivalent of animal sounds, being both a â€Å"language of feeling† and a â€Å"law of nature† (1966:88), and Rousseau, pursuing the origins of language, theorized that protolanguage was â€Å"entirely interjectional† (1990:71). Indeed, such philosophers have posited a historical transition from interjections to language in which the latter allows us not only to index pain and express passion but also to denote values and exercise reason (D’Atri 1995). 2 Thus interjections have been understood as a semiotic artifact of our natural origins and the most transparent index of our emotions. Such an understanding of interjections is deeply rooted in Western thought. Aristotle (1984), for example, posited a contrastive relationship between voice, proper only to humans as instantiated in language, and sound, shared by humans and animals as instantiated in cries. This contrastive relation was then compared with other analogous contrastive relations, in particular, value and pleasure/pain, polis and household, and bios (the good life, or political life proper to humans) and zoe (pure life, shared by all living things). Such a contrast is so pervasive that modern philosophers such as Agamben (1995) have devoted much of their scholarly work to the thinking out of this tradition and others built on it such as id versus ego in the Freudian paradigm. In short, the folk distinction made between interjections and language 2. D’Atri (1995:124) argues that, for Rousseau, â€Å"interjections . . . are sounds and not voices: they are passive registerings and as such do not presuppose the intervention of will, which is what characterizes human acts of speech. † 467 468 F c u r r e n t a n t h ro p o l o g y Volume 44, Number 4, August–October 2003 proper maps onto a larger set of distinctions in Western thought: emotion and cognition, animality and humanity, nature and culture, female and male, passion and reason, bare life and the good life, pain and value, private and public, and so on (see, e.g. , Lutz 1988, Strathern 1988). In this article I avoid such abstracting and dichotomizing traps by going straight to the heart of interjections: their everyday usage in actual discourse when seen in the context of local culture and grounded in a semiotic framework. I begin by characterizing the linguistic and ethnographic context in which I carried out my research and go on to relate interjections to other linguistic forms, showing how they are both similar to and distinct from other classes of words in natural languages. Next I provide and exemplify a semiotic framework, generalizable across languages, in terms of which the indexical objects and pragmatic functions of interjections can best be characterized. Then I detail the local usage of the 12 most commonly used interjections in Q’eqchi’ and show the way in which they are tied into all things cultural: values, norms, ontological classes, social relations, and so on. I conclude by discussing the relative frequency with which the various forms and functions of interjections are used. In short, I argue against interpretations of interjections that focus on emotional states by providing an account of their meanings in terms of situational, discursive, and social context. Linguistic and Ethnographic Context While I am attempting to provide as wide a theoretical account of interjections as I can, thereby providing a metalanguage for speaking about similar sign phenomena in other languages, I am also trying to capture the grammatical niceties of Q’eqchi’ Maya and the discursive and social particularities of one Q’eqchi’-speaking village in particular. Before I begin my analysis, then, I want to sketch the linguistic and ethnographic context in which I worked. Q’eqchi’ is a language in the Kichean branch of the Mayan family, spoken by some 360,000 speakers in Guatemala (in the departments of Alta Verapaz, Izabel, and Peten) and Belize (Kaufman 1974, Stewart 1980). 3 Lin? guistically, Q’eqchi’ is relatively well described: scholars such as Berinstein (1985), Sedat (1955), Stewart (1980), Stoll (1896), and Chen Cao et al. (1997) have discussed its syntax, morphology, phonology, and lexicon, and I have detailed various morphosyntactic forms (encoding grammatical categories such as mood, status, evidentiality, taxis, and inalienable possession) as they intersect with sociocultural values and contextual features and as they illuminate local modes of personhood (Kockelman 3. Typologically, Q’eqchi’ is a morphologically ergative, head-marking language. In Q’eqchi’, vowel length (signaled by doubling letters) is phonemic; /k/ and /q/ are velar and uvular plosives, respectively, and /x/ and /j/ are palato-alveolar and velar fricatives, respectively. All other phonemes have their standard IPA values. 2002, 2003a, b). This article is therefore part of a larger project in which I examine how intentional and evaluative stances are encoded in natural languages and the relations that such stances bear to local modes of subjectivity. Alta Verapaz, the original center of the Q’eqchi’-speaking people who still make up the majority of its population, has had a unusual history even by Guatemalan standards. In 1537, after the Spanish crown had failed to conquer the indigenous peoples living there, the Dominican Friar Bartolome de Las Casas was permitted to ?pacify the area through religious methods. Having succeeded, he changed the name of the area from Tezulutlan (Land of War) to Verapaz (True Peace), and the Dominicans were granted full control over the area—the state banning secular immigration, removing all military colonies, and nullifying previous land grants. In this way, for almost 300 years the area remained an isolated enclave, relatively protected by the paternalism of the church in comparison with other parts of Guatemala (King 1974, Sapper 1985). This ended abruptly in the late 1800s, however, with the advent of coffee growing, liberal reforms, and the in? ux of Europeans (Cambranes 1985, Wagner 1996). Divested of their land and forced to work on coffee plantations, the Q’eqchi’ began migrating north into the unpopulated lowland forests of the Peten ? and Belize (Adams 1965, Carter 1969, Howard 1975, Kockelman 1999, Pedroni 1991, Saa Vidal 1979, Schwartz 1990, Wilk 1991). In the past 40 years this migration has been fueled by a civil war that has ravaged the Guatemalan countryside, with the Q’eqchi’ ? eeing not just scarce resources and labor quotas but also their own nation’s soldiers—often forcibly conscripted speakers of other Mayan languages (Carmack 1988, IWGIA 1978, Wilson 1995). As a consequence, the past century has seen the Q’eqchi’ population spread from Alta Verapaz to the Peten and ? nally to Belize, Mexico, and even the ? United States. Indeed, although only the fourth largest of some 24 Mayan languages, Q’eqchi’ is thought to have the largest percentage of monolinguals, and the ethnic group is Guatemala’s fastest-growing and most geographically extensive (Kaufman 1974, Stewart 1980). The two key ethnographies of Q’eqchi’-speakers have been written by Wilk (1991) and Wilson (1995), the former treating household ecology in Belize and the latter upheavals in village life and identity at the height of the civil war in highland Guatemala during the 1980s. In addition to these monographs, there are also a number of dissertations and articles on the history (King 1974, Sapper 1985, Wagner 1996), ecology (Carter 1969, Secaira 1992, Wilson 1972), and migration (Adams 1965, Howard 1975, Pedroni 1991) of Q’eqchi’-speaking  people. The data for this article are based on almost two years of ethnographic and linguistic ? eldwork among speakers of Q’eqchi’, most of it in Ch’inahab, a village of some 80 families (around 650 people) in the municipality of San Juan Chamelco, in the department of Alta Verapaz. At an altitude of approximately 2,400 m, Ch’inahab is one of the highest villages in this area, with an annual precipitation of more than 2,000 mm. It is also one of k o c k e l m a n The Meanings of Interjections in Q’eqchi’ Maya F 469  the most remote, access to the closest road requiring a three-hour hike down a steep and muddy single-track trail. Its relatively high altitude and remote location provide the perfect setting for cloud forest, and such a cloud forest provides the perfect setting for the resplendent quetzal, being home to what is thought to be the highest density of such birds in the world. Because of the existence of the quetzal and the cloud forest in which it makes its home, Ch’inahab has been the site of a successful eco-tourism project the conditions and consequences of which are detailed in my dissertation (Kockelman 2002). While the majority of villagers in Ch’inahab are monolingual speakers of Q’eqchi’, some men who have served time in the army or worked as itinerant traders speak some Spanish. All the villagers are Catholic. Ch’inahab is divided by a mountain peak with dwellings on both of its sides and in the surrounding valleys. It takes about 45 minutes to hike across the village. At one end there is a biological station kept by the eco-tourism project and used sporadically by European ecologists, and at the other there is a Catholic church and a cemetery. In the center there is a small store, a school for primary and secondary grades, and a soccer ? eld. The surrounding landscape is cloud forest giving way to scattered house sites, agricultural parcels, pasture, and ? elds now fallow. All villagers engage in corn-based, or milpa, agriculture, but very few have enough land to ful? ll all of their subsistence needs. 4 For this reason, many women in the village are dedicated to chicken husbandry, most men in the village engage in seasonal labor on plantations (up to ?ve months a year in some cases), and many families engage in itinerant trade (women weaving baskets and textiles for the men to sell) and eco-tourism (the women hosting tourists and the men guiding them). Dwelling sites often contain a scattering of houses in which reside an older couple and their married sons, all of whom share a water source and a pasture. The individual families themselves often have two houses, a relatively traditional thatched-roof house in which the family cooks and sleeps and a relatively new house with a tin roof in which they host festivals and in which older children and ecotourists may sleep. Because of eco-tourism and the in? ux of money and strangers that it brings, there has been an increase in the construction of such tin-roofed houses, and, as will be seen, many of my examples of interjections come from such construction contexts. My data on the use of interjections among villagers in Ch’inahab comes from 14 months of ? eldwork carried out between 1998 and 2001. The data collection con4. Before 1968, what is now Ch’inahab was owned by the owner of a plantation. Q’eqchi’-speakers who lived in the village of Popobaj (located to the south of and lower than Ch’inahab) were permitted to make their milpa in this area in exchange for two weeks of labor per month on the ? nca (Secaira 1992:20). Only in 1968, when a group of villagers got together to form a land acquisition committee, were some 15 caballer? as (678 ha) of land purchased from the owner ? for 4,200 quetzals (US$4,200). This land, while legally owned by the entire community, was divided among the original 33 villagers as a function of their original contributions.  sisted in part of characterizing tokens of usage when I heard them and in part of tracking tokens of usage through recordings of naturally occurring conversations. 5 In particular, given the fact that many interjections occur in relatively nonconversational, task-engaged situations (house building, planting, playing, cooking, etc. ), trying to record them in such contexts was futile. Luckily, as will be seen, they often occur in modes of disruption (when some goal-directed action goes awry), which makes them relatively easy to notice in real-time context and their contextual regularities relatively easy to stipulate. In addition, I tape-recorded naturally occurring conversations in the households of three families once a week over several months, usually at dinnertime. 6 After I describe the forms and meanings of the interjections I will discuss the relative frequency of the various tokens collected and thereby illuminate which forms and meanings are most often used by whom. The Grammatical Form of Interjections There are four criteria by which interjections may be differentiated from other linguistic forms within a particular language and generalized as a form class across languages (Ameka 1992, Bloom?eld 1984[1933], Jespersen 1965, Wilkins 1992). First, all interjections are conventional lexical forms, or words, that can constitute utterances on their own (Wilkins 1992). They are conventional in that their sign carriers have relatively standardized and arbitrary phonological forms, and they can constitute utterances on their own because their only syntagmatic relation with other linguistic forms is parataxis—in which two forms are â€Å"united by the use of only one sentence pitch† (Bloom? eld 1984[1933]:171). They can therefore stand alone as perfectly sensible stretches of talk before and after which there is silence. Second, with few exceptions, no interjection is simultaneously a member of another word class (Ameka 1992a, Wilkins 1992). Almost all of them are what Ameka (1992a:105), following Bloom? eld (1984[1933]), calls primary interjections: â€Å"little words or non-words which . . . can constitute an utterance by themselves and do not normally enter into constructions with other word classes. † In Q’eqchi’, the main exceptions are interjections built, through lexical extension, from the primary interjection ay. In the case of ay dios, the additional 5. I also include several examples of interjection usage that occurred in the context of ethnographic interviews about topics other than interjections, for these often indicated that an ethnographic question was poorly posed or inappropriate in the local context. I also carried out extensive interviews about the meanings of interjections with native speakers (see Kockelman 2002 for an extended discussion of the relationship between form, usage, and speakers’ re? ections). 6.  Indeed, the best two accounts of interjection-like things— â€Å"response cries† in Goffman (1978) and â€Å"emblematic gestures† in Sherzer (1993)—explicitly take into account social interaction and ethnographic description. Good accounts of the discursive use of interjections are offered by De Bruyn (1998), Ehlich (1986), Gardner (1998), and Meng and Schrabback (1999). 470 F c u r r e n t a n t h ro p o l o g y Volume 44, Number 4, August–October 2003 element, dios, is a loan noun from Spanish, meaning â€Å"god. † In the case of ay dios atinyuwa’, besides the Spanish loanword there is a Q’eqchi’ expression, at-in-yuwa’ (you [are] my father). Interjections of this latter kind, which are or involve forms that belong to other word classes, will be called secondary interjections (again following Ameka and Bloom? eld). Similarly, the English secondary interjections damn and heavens may be used as both interjections and verbs or nouns. Third, with few exceptions, an interjection consists of a single morpheme and undergoes neither in? ectional nor derivational processes (Wilkins 1992). Interjections cannot be in? ectionally marked for grammatical categories such as tense or number, and they cannot be further derived into another form class such as noun or verb. Such forms are often classi? ed as a subclass of â€Å"particles† or discourse markers (see Ameka 1992a, Fraser 1999, Jespersen 1965, Schiffrin 1987, Wilkins 1992, and Zwicky 1985). In Q’eqchi’ there are three exceptions to this characterization. First, uyaluy is what I will call a reduplicative interjection, being composed, through syllabic reduplication, from the interjection uy. Second, ay dios and ay dios atinyuwa’ are what I will call extended interjections, being composed, through lexical extension, from the interjection ay. And lastly, the interjection ay may undergo further derivation into a delocutionary verb (becoming ayaynak, â€Å"to cry or yell continually,† often said of dogs howling), which may then undergo normal verbal in? ection for grammatical categories such as tense, aspect, person, and number. Lastly, although it is not a criterial feature, many of these forms are phonologically or morphologically anomalous, having features which mark them as odd or unique relative to the standard lexical forms of a language. For example, unlike most Q’eqchi’ words, in which stress falls on the last syllable (Stewart 1980), the interjection uyaluy has syllable-initial stress. Similarly, while reduplication is a common morphological process in Q’eqchi’ (Stewart 1980), the reduplicative interjection uyaluy is derived through a nonstandard morphological form. While many Q’eqchi’ words involve a glottalized alveolar stop, the interjection t’ is also implosive. 7 Whereas the Spanish loanword dios is usually phonetically assimilated in Q’eqchi’ as tiox when used as a noun, in the interjection ay dios there is no devoicing of the initial consonant of this noun (i.e. , /d/ does not become /t/) or palatization of its ? nal consonant (i. e. , /s/ does not become /x/). And the interjection sht differs from ordinary Q’eqchi’ words in using /sh/, rather than a vowel, as a syllabic (see Bloom? eld 1984[1933]:121). In short, it is clear from the number of quali? cations that interjections, like most linguistic forms, are dif? cult to characterize with necessary and suf? cient conditions (see Taylor 1995, Zwicky 1985). Nevertheless, they may simultaneously be differentiated from other form classes within a particular language and generalized as a form class across languages. 7. Often called a â€Å"dental click† (Wilkins 1992) or a â€Å"suction stop† (Jespersen 1965:90). Readers who speak some Spanish may have noticed that many Q’eqchi’ interjections look similar to Spanish interjections—ay (dios), uy, ah, eh, sht—and even to English interjections (sh[t] and t’). While I have no historical data that would attest to such a claim, given the history of sustained linguistic contact between speakers of Spanish and Q’eqchi’ via the colonial encounter and between speakers of Spanish and English this should come as no surprise. The one good account of interjections in Spanish (Montes 1999) discusses only a small range of the discursive functions of interjections and focuses on the internal state of the speaker. As I will show, however, the meanings of some of these interjections in Q’eqchi’ seem to bear a resemblance to their meanings in Spanish, as far as can be discerned from the comparative data. In this way, these â€Å"loan interjections† show that almost any linguistic form may be borrowed (see Brody 1995) with some maintenance of its meaning. The Meanings of Q’eqchi’ Interjections  Although interjections are relatively easy to characterize from the standpoint of grammatical form, there is no framework in terms of which one may order and compare their meanings—that is, the classes of objects and signs that they index (and thereby stand in a relationship of contiguity with) and the types of pragmatic functions they serve (and thereby may be used as a means to achieve). In what follows, I frame their use in terms of situational, discursive, and social context. I will begin with an extended example through which the framework will become clear. The Q’eqchi’ interjection chix indexes loathsome objects in the situational context. For example, when picking up his bowl of food from the ground, a man notices that he has set it in chicken feces. â€Å"Chix,† he says, scraping the bowl on the dirt to wipe off the feces. His wife, herself responsible for the chicken, then takes his bowl for herself and gives him a new one. Similarly, when opening the door to her house early one morning, a woman notices that the dog has vomited right outside the doorway. â€Å"Chix,† she says, and her ? ve-year-old son comes over to look. She tells him to scrape it away with a machete. Like most interjections that have indexical objects in the situational context, this interjection serves to call another’s attention to the object. 8 Relatedly, and as a function of responsibility assessment (husband 1 wife 1 child), it directs another’s attention to what must be cleaned up, avoided, etc. The interjection chix may also be transposed to index a sign denoting or characterizing a loathsome object (see Buhler 1990). In such cases of sign-based transposition, ? the interjection is in a relationship of contiguity with a 8. Montes (1999:1293) notes that most of the Spanish interjections she examined â€Å"seem to be associated with seeing. We ? nd that a large number of the interjections [ah, oh, uh, ay, oy, uy] used in the conversations examined co-occur with directives to ‘see’ or ‘look at’ or as a response to these directives. † k o c k e l m a n The Meanings of Interjections in Q’eqchi’ Maya F 471 sign that denotes or characterizes the object or event in question (rather than being in contiguity with the actual object or event, as in the usage of chix just discussed). In other words, it is as if the speaker were inhabiting the frame of the narrated event (Buhler 1990). In this way, ? the interjection chix indexes not just loathsomeness but also signs that refer to or predicate qualities of loathsome objects. Insofar as the denotatum of such a sign has the same qualities and values as the object itself, the modality of contiguity (being able to taste, touch, see, or smell the object in question) is suspended while the ontological class of the object (loathsomeness) is maintained. For example, in telling a story to a group of  men about a friend who was bitten by a poisonous spider while working on a plantation in the lowland area of Guatemala, the speaker describes the pus blisters that rose up on his friend’s arm. â€Å"Chix,† says one of the men listening. The other men laugh, and before continuing his story the speaker adds that the pus blisters took two weeks to heal. Like most interjections that undergo signbased transposition, such usage often serves as a backchannel cue, indicating that the speaker is listening but cannot or does not want to contribute to the topic at hand (Brown and Yule 1983:90–94; Duncan 1973; compare the usage of mmm or jeez in English). Lastly, the interjection chix may be transposed to index an addressee’s relation of contiguity with a loathsome object. In such cases of addressee-based transposition, the situational indexical object is transposed to a person other than the speaker. The speaker’s sign is audible (a relation of contiguity) to the addressee, who is in a relationship of contiguity with the object. In other words, it is as if the speaker were inhabiting the ad? dressee’s current corporal?  eld (see Buhler 1990, Hanks 1990), and, again, the modality of contiguity is suspended while the ontological class is maintained. For example, a mother watching her three-year-old son approach a dog that is defecating wormy stool calls out to him â€Å"Chix. † The child stops his advance and watches from a distance. In this most addressee-focused way, the sign is used by a parent to index that a child is within reach (typically tactile) of a disgusting object and serves as an imperative not to touch the object. Interjections are primarily indexical (see Peirce 1955) in that they stand for their objects by a relationship of contiguity rather than by a relationship of convention (as in the case of symbols) or similarity (as in the case of icons). 9 Although the indexical modality of interjections is emphasized in this article, the symbolic modality is always present in at least two interrelated ways. First, and trivially, the interjection itself has a standard9. If interjections were iconic, then they would be expected to resemble their objects. The problem with this, as exempli?  ed by Kryk-Kastovsky’s (1997) argument that interjections are the most iconic of all linguistic elements expressing surprise, is that one needs to know what â€Å"surprise† looks like when usually our only indication of surprise is the interjection or behavior itself. However, interjections as indexical of situational and discursive objects do in certain cases have iconic modalities of meaning (see, e. g. , the discussion of ay, ay dios, and ay dios atinyuwa’ below). ized but relatively arbitrary form that is conventionally used by members of a given linguistic community. Second, interjections conventionally stand in a relation of contiguity with particular classes of objects. These conventional classes of indexical objects are present in two ways. First, across interjections, one may characterize what semiotic class of objects is being indexed. Second, in the case of any particular interjection, one may characterize what ontological class of objects is being indexed. Besides indexing objects or signs in the immediate context, interjections have pragmatic functions: they serve as a means to achieve certain ends. For example, chix variously serves as an attentative (when nontransposed), a back-channel cue (when undergoing sign-based transposition), and an imperative (when undergoing addressee-based transposition). Both the objects indexed and the pragmatic functions served (see Silverstein 1987) are integral aspects of the meanings of interjections. Finally, interjections may index more than one object at once. In particular, they may index objects, signs, internal states, and social relations. In what follows, I will refer to these distinct types of indexical objects as situational, discursive, expressive, and social, respectively. Situational indexical objects are the objects or events in the immediate context of the speech event. Discursive indexical objects are the signs that occur in the speech event. 10 Together, situational and discursive indexical objects are the most stable co-occurrence regularities that interjections possess and therefore the only ones that are easy to tabulate. Expressive indexical objects are the intentional stances of the speaker—the putative mental states, whether construed as â€Å"cognitive† or â€Å"emotive. †11 Lastly, social indexical objects are the various social roles inhabited by the speaker or addressee (gender, ethnicity, age, etc. ) or the social relations that exist between the two (status, deference, politeness, etc. ). For example, chix may index not only a loathsome object in the situational context but a social relation (parentchild, husband-wife, raconteur–appreciative listener) and, in many cases, an internal state (â€Å"disgust†). And the interjection ay not only indexes a painful object in the situational context or an unexpected answer in the dis10. This is not quite the standard distinction between â€Å"text† and â€Å"context† (Montes 1999 and Wilkins 1992). For example, while it is tempting to put sign-based transposition into the discursive context for the purposes of schematizing the data, sign-based transpositions make sense only in terms of the qualities of the objects referred to by the sign indexed by the interjection. In contrast, an unsolicited response such as a dubitive is directed at the truth of another’s assertion rather than at any particular quality of the state of affairs predicated by that assertion. For this reason, dubitives belong to the discursive context and sign-based transpositions to the situational context. 11. Whereas interjections creatively index expressive indexical objects in that the interjection is often the only sign of the internal state in question, they presupposedly index situational and discursive indexical objects in that both interjection and indexical object are simultaneously present in context (see Silverstein 1976 for this distinction). This difference in semiotic status (presupposing/creative) maps onto a putative difference in ontological status (world/mind). 472 F c u r r e n t a n t h ro p o l o g y Volume 44, Number 4, August–October 2003 cursive context but also an internal state (pain) in the expressive context and a role in the social context (in particular, female gender). Many interjections index signs in the discursive context in that they co-occur with (or serve as) a response to an addressee’s previous utterance or a nonresponse. In the case of a response, the use of an interjection occurs after and makes sense only relative to the addressee’s previous utterance. For example, the interjection ih indexes an addressee’s previous statement and serves as a registerative, indicating that the speaker has heard and understood the statement. In the case of a nonresponse, the interjection may either elicit an addressee’s utterance (and thereby occur before it) or occur in the midst of the speaker.

Where Is Sony Vulnerable Essay Example for Free

Where Is Sony Vulnerable Essay Sony started as a radio repair shop, founded by Masuru Ikura and Akio Morita after World War II. The company began its long history of producing compact consumer electronics in 1957, when it introduced the world’s first pocket-sized all-transistor radio. The company’s name, Sony, was taken from sonus, the Latin word for â€Å"sound.† Sony went on to invent a series of transistor-based TVs and increasingly smaller audiocassette recorders. In 1979, the Sony Walkman introduced the world to a new, portable way of listening to music. Sony became a world leader in consumer electronics and was the first Japanese company to have its shares traded on the New York Stock Exchange. In the late 1980s, Sony began expanding into media, purchasing a U.S. record company (CBS Records for $22 billion in 1988) and a major Hollywood studio (Columbia Pictures for $4.9 billion in 1989). The purchases made Sony a major force in the entertainment industry. The importance of marketing at Sony started with Akio Morita, who said that for a company to be successful, it must have three kinds of creativity: creativity to make inventions, creativity in product planning and production, and creativity in marketing. Creativity in marketing at Sony means not just clever ads, but deep insight into its customers. For example, Sony knows its PlayStation customers like to find clues and to decode things. So Sony’s ads for PlayStation 2, like â€Å"Signs,† feature a young man walking the streets of a city where he encounters various signs foreshadowing the events. Mannequins appear in a store window, arms outstretched, and point enigmatically to something that’s about to happen. â€Å"The lead character is almost in the midst of his own role-playing game. He needs to follow clues to save the heroine,† said Andrew House, Sony’s executive vice president of marketing. In the ads, â€Å"we were essentially trying to tap into a range of emotions that we think we deliver in the games—intrigue, foreboding, excitement, panic, relief and achievement at the end.† Sony’s marketing also includes careful measurement of each campaign’s effectiveness. Fo r example, Sony runs 30-second commercials for its PlayStation as part of the previews in more than 1,800 theaters and on 8,000 movie screens. The ads appear before such films as â€Å"The Cat in the Hat.† Sony Computer Entertainment America has been running movie ads for six years. â€Å"Cinema advertising has been very effective for us,† said Ami Blaire, director of product marketing. â€Å"The reason why we have committed to cinema every year is the tremendous unaided recall shown by our own research and Communicus commissioned ad tracking.† Another example of measurement is Sony’s GenY youth marketing efforts. â€Å"The online program promoting the NetMD, ATRAC CD Walkman and Cybershot U30 ran July 1 through September 30 2003, and we found that more than 70 percent of the clickthroughs were spurred by rich media ads via Eyeblaster, versus static banners,† said Serge Del Grosso, Director of Media and Internet Strategy, Sony Electronics. In fact, Sony has even developed a direct-marketing solution which it sells to other companies who want to measure marketing effectiveness. The product, called eBridge[TM], allows marketers to use video, measure the effectiveness of the campaign, and gain insight into the target audience, all in one package. Sony expects that the next big breakthrough will not come from a single new electronic device. Rather, Sony president Kunitake Ando says that the future lies in making a whole range of devices more useful by linking them in a networked home-entertainment system. The company believes that its clout in consumer electronics, combined with its media content, will allow it to steer that convergence in a way that suits it. Whether the future of convergence resides in TVs or PCs or devices, $62-billion Sony makes every one of them—with a strong brand name that gives them an extra push off retail shelves around the world. Discussion Questions 1.What have been the key success factors for Sony? 2.Where is Sony vulnerable? 3.What should it watch out for? 4.What recommendations would you make to senior marketing executives going forward? 5.What should they be sure to do with its marketing? SONY Sony started as a radio repair shop, founded by Masuru Ikura and Akio Morita after World War II. The company began its long history of producing compact consumer electronics in 1957, when it introduced the world’s first pocket-sized all-transistor radio. The company’s name, Sony, was taken from sonus, the Latin word for â€Å"sound.† Sony went on to invent a series of transistor-based TVs and increasingly smaller audiocassette recorders. In 1979, the Sony Walkman introduced the world to a new, portable way of listening to music. Sony became a world leader in consumer electronics and was the first Japanese company to have its shares traded on the New York Stock Exchange. In the late 1980s, Sony began expanding into media, purchasing a U.S. record company (CBS Records for $22 billion in 1988) and a major Hollywood studio (Columbia Pictures for $4.9 billion in 1989). The purchases made Sony a major force in the entertainment industry. The importance of marketing at Sony started with Akio Morita, who said that for a company to be successful, it must have three kinds of creativity: creativity to make inventions, creativity in product planning and production, and creativity in marketing. Creativity in marketing at Sony means not just clever ads, but deep insight into its customers. For example, Sony knows its PlayStation customers like to find clues and to decode things. So Sony’s ads for PlayStation 2, like â€Å"Signs,† feature a young man walking the streets of a city where he encounters various signs foreshadowing the events. Mannequins appear in a store window, arms outstretched, and point enigmatically to something that’s about to happen. â€Å"The lead character is almost in the midst of his own role-playing game. He needs to follow clues to save the heroine,† said Andrew House, Sony’s executive vice president of marketing. In the ads, â€Å"we were essentially trying to tap into a range of emotions that we think we deliver in the games—intrigue, foreboding, excitement, panic, relief and achievement at the end.† Sony’s marketing also includes careful measurement of each campaign’s effectiveness. Fo r example, Sony runs 30-second commercials for its PlayStation as part of the previews in more than 1,800 theaters and on 8,000 movie screens. The ads appear before such films as â€Å"The Cat in the Hat.† Sony Computer Entertainment America has been running movie ads for six years. â€Å"Cinema advertising has been very effective for us,† said Ami Blaire, director of product marketing. â€Å"The reason why we have committed to cinema every year is the tremendous unaided recall shown by our own research and Communicus commissioned ad tracking.† Another example of measurement is Sony’s GenY youth marketing efforts. â€Å"The online program promoting the NetMD, ATRAC CD Walkman and Cybershot U30 ran July 1 through September 30 2003, and we found that more than 70 percent of the clickthroughs were spurred by rich media ads via Eyeblaster, versus static banners,† said Serge Del Grosso, Director of Media and Internet Strategy, Sony Electronics. In fact, Sony has even developed a direct-marketing solution which it sells to other companies who want to measure marketing effectiveness. The product, called eBridge[TM], allows marketers to use video, measure the effectiveness of the campaign, and gain insight into the target audience, all in one package. Sony expects that the next big breakthrough will not come from a single new electronic device. Rather, Sony president Kunitake Ando says that the future lies in making a whole range of devices more useful by linking them in a networked home-entertainment system. The company believes that its clout in consumer electronics, combined with its media content, will allow it to steer that convergence in a way that suits it. Whether the future of convergence resides in TVs or PCs or devices, $62-billion Sony makes every one of them—with a strong brand name that gives them an extra push off retail shelves around the world. Discussion Questions 1.What have been the key success factors for Sony? 2.Where is Sony vulnerable? 3.What should it watch out for? 4.What recommendations would you make to senior marketing executives going forward? 5.What should they be sure to do with its marketing?

Freuds psychodynamic approach and rogers humanistic approach

Freuds psychodynamic approach and rogers humanistic approach For this essay I will be comparing and contrasting the psychodynamic approach concentrating on Sigmund Freud (1856-1939) and humanistic approach looking at Carl Rogers theory (1902-1987) focussing on mainly the middle adult stage of human development. The Psychodynamic approach emphasises unconscious dynamics within the individual such as inner forces, conflict or the movement of instinctual energy The founding father of the psychodynamic approach was Sigmund Freud, he believed that everybody has inner conflicts and was interested in how these can be resolved. Freud focused on the unconscious mind, believing that adult personality develops due to the passing through of five stages which he called psychosexual from birth to adolescence; the oral stage, the anal stage, the phallic stage, the latency stage, and lastly the genital stage. Any trauma suffered at one of these important stages Freud believed would result in fixation, if that adult has greater underlying problems, stemming from childhood then this Freud felt showed as regression meaning the behaviour they then show is closer to that of when they were a child. (Gross 1996) An example of fixation of a male in the phallic stage means that individual can become vain and self-assured however a female fixated in the same stage may fight hard for superiority over men. If an adult is lucky enough to avoid any problems during Freuds early stages develop a genital character meaning they grow to be mature, and are able to love and be loved. (Eysenck 2000:318) (Bee Boyd 2003) Freud divided the mind in three parts; the id which is the unconscious, which he described as a cauldron full of seething excitationsà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦.it is filled with energyà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦butà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦has no organisationà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦only striving to bring about the satisfaction of instinctual needs subject to the observance of the pleasure principleà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ it is an individuals basic sexual aggressive impulses, and where the libido lies. The id has two major instincts Eros; the life instinct that motivates people to focus on pleasure seeking tendencies and Thanatos; the death instinct that motivates people to use aggressive urges to destroy. The ego works on the reality principle and is the thinking part of the personality it has the job of keeping, the id satisfied and happy. Freud described the ego as à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦the part of the id which has been modified by the direct influence of the external worldà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦.the ego represents what may be called reason and c ommon sense, in contrast to the id which contains the passionsà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦.in its relation to the id it is like a man on horseback, who has to hold in check the superior strength of the horseà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦.. The third part of the personality is the superego which is the parent and moral judge. The ego must try and satisfy the id without disrespecting the superegos rules. (Bee Boyd 2003) (Beckett Taylor 2010:22-23) (Changingminds.org) The egos job is extremely hard, as it has to keep the id and the superego in balance if not then an adult can experience conflict, this can result in the ego breaching the superegos rules, resulting in the ego producing defence mechanisms. Examples are repression; the forcing of conscious memory into the unconscious, displacement; a substitute object takes the place for the expression of anger and denial; the refusal to acknowledge problems that occur, these are three from many forms of defence mechanisms the ego triggers in order to reduce anxiety. Freud understood that without defence mechanism an individual would not be able to cope with the tensions within the personality. (Wade Tavris 2006) (Gross 1997) Carl Rogers was the founding father of humanistic psychology and client centred therapy, his theory was a reaction psychodynamic psychology. Rogers saw potential in every living organism and truly felt that everything organic had the potential to self-actualise. He gained this insight after seeing potatoes in a dark cellar that had begun to sprout stretching to the light from the window in his childhood. It is the urge which is evident in all organic and human life to expand, become autonomous, develop, mature (Gross 1997:764) Rogers felt differently to Freud, he felt individuals were born innately good, we have mental and social problems that are caused from external influences. It is an approach that emphasises free will, personal growth, resilience and the achievement of human development (Wade Tavris 2006) Rogers believed that the concept of self was of importance and mainly conscious, it consists of our thoughts and feelings, everyone has an organismic self; what we actually are, a self-concept; what the outside world has made us and an ideal self; the person we would most likely to be. Rogers believed that our driving forces are largely devoted to the lack of self-actualising our needs and potential. Everybody requires positive regard from others, as well as positive self-regard from inside our own self, anomalies a rise when there is incongruence between the adults self-concept and the organismic self. In order for an adult to be truly happy and there actualising tendency to be fully functioning the organismic self and the ideal self must be as close together as it is possible. When an adults life is happy and fulfilled Rogers saw this as reaching a state of absolute congruence. As an example of incongruence we could look at two scenarios; an adult male who has a mind-set that every woman he meets should fall in love with him however this is not the case whenever he meets a woman, they may feel that he has not got the qualities they are looking for, this would be incongruence. He may deal with this situation by criticising there decisions for not falling in love with him and justify this with thoughts such as she was not good enough anyway or her loss. In opposition to this if he did not have such high self-esteem and the woman did find him attractive, this is also incongruence. His thought patterns to deal with women liking him could be she does not really like me or even find fault with the women, to find a reason for the action. (Eysenck 2000) (Gross 1997) If we now compare and contrast the two theories we can initially see they are poles apart however some aspects can be viewed as very similar. Freuds view that when an adult has developed a genital character and are mature and are able to love and be loved can, be compared with Rogers state of absolute congruence, both theories see that this is, where an adult is happy and well adjusted. (Eysenck 2000:318) Freuds id, ego and super ego can be viewed as similar to Rogers organismic self, self- concept and the ideal self. In each of the theories, there is one aspect of the personality that is required to keep a balance between the other two id and superego are balanced by the ego in Freud theory and organismic self and the ideal self by the self-concept in Rogers theory each having to maintain balance so that there is a sense of order within the personality. (Gross 1997) We can also look at Freuds defence mechanisms which are there to help in situations that cause anxiety. In my example with the adult male showing incongruence above, the reaction can be compared to Freuds projection in which the male has placed his own unwanted feelings onto someone else or rationalizing by finding an acceptable excuse for his behaviour, due to his reaction to the situation. (Gross 1997) Both theories are similar in that they are both from an era when society was not so diverse in culture, sexuality and ethnicity, and was very male dominated at the time, each theorist could not have for seen these dramatic changes in society. Freuds psychosexual stages can be seen as not very flexible to other cultures as à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦it does not always make much sense if you attempt to apply this model to adults that are not from western cultures (Walker Crawford 2010:117) Rogers saw the present and the conscious was the most significant part of an adult and focused on the here and now instead of, trying to find relevance to the past and therefore did not incorporate childhood in his theories for problems that an individual may face in life. He felt that the negative actions of an adult do not remove there worth as an individual believing the ultimate goal was personal growth, development and understanding through constant self-improvement and self-understanding and every person is capable of reaching this, adults were born innately good and had a positive outlook on everything organic, choosing to take a more holistic approach. In comparison to Freud who was more interested in negative aspects and concentrated on childhood development, the conflicts as an adult we face if we have not moved successfully through his psychosexual stages of development that can cause conflict in out unconscious mind. (www.humanism.com) Rogers did not incorporate childhood into his theory, believing that a person can resolve any incongruence in their lives as adults and can therefore self-actualise no matter what the conflicts through childhood they had as we all have freewill, whereas Freuds theory only concentrated on childhood and what happens in childhood shapes the adult we become and are in the future (Gross 1997) In conclusion there may be a few similarities within each approach however each approach could not be further apart in terms of the theories one believes in the unconscious and the other conscious drives in terms of a persons growth and development. Freuds theory appears to be more dated and not as flexible to change as Rogers humanistic approach it also feels more negative towards human development then Rogers who appears to see everything in a positive light, not all problems in childhood can be associated with the adult grows, development how they adapt to society and others around them. There are many outside influences that can shape a person for the future, not just the way in which an adult has been nurtured as a child and the experiences they encounter. (Beckett Taylor 2010) (Walker Crawford 2010) Psychoanalysis is founded upon acceptance determinism, or acceptance of aspects of our lives outside of our control, whilst humanism thought bases itself on the concept of freewill (www.humanism.com) (1412 without quotes)

The Five Factor Model Of Personality Essays -- Psychology essays resea

  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The precise definition of personality has been a point of discussion amongst many different theorists within many different disciplines since the beginning of civilization. Personality can be defined as "the distinctive and characteristic patterns of thought, emotion, and behavior that define an individual's personal style and influence his or her interactions with the environment" (Atkinson, Atkinson, Smith & Bem, 1993: 525). It can be proposed that personality psychology has two different tasks. "The first involves specifying the variables on which individuals differ from one another. The second involves synthesizing the psychological processes of human functioning into an integrated account of the total person" (Atkinson et al., 1993: 532). There are many different theories of personality and many different theorists. The purpose of this essay is to examine the trait approach, specifically the five-factor model. Both the development and limitations of the Five-Factor model of personality shall be discussed.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Trait theory is based on several assumptions. The first assumption is that any difference between people that is seen as significant will have a name. Secondly, these names, known as traits, are conceived of as continuous dimensions. In general, trait theories assume that people vary simultaneously on a number of personality factors. These traits are of both the conjunctive and disjunctive form. Therefore, to understand a trait, it is necessary to understand what a particular trait is and what type of behaviour is evidence of that trait. (Atkinson et al., 1993). Five factor theorists are one set of trait theorists. The claim of five factor theorists is that behaviour can be best predicted and explained by measurement of five dominant personality factors. The five factor theory is a fairly recent proposal and has its basis in earlier work, which shall be discussed.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  One of the statistical techniques most commonly used in the study of personality is that of factor analysis: By identifying groups of highly intercorrelated variables, factor analysis enables us to  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  determine how many underlying factors are measured by a set of original variables. In other words, factor analysis is used to uncover the factor structure of a set of variables. (Diekhoff, 1992: 333) A factor analysis will generally show t... ...ratings, the big five model is extremely useful. If the purpose of the field is also to investigate observers' attributions about individual differences the five- factor model is less significant. If the study of personality aims to emphasise the whole person and the dynamic nature of personality, the model seems to be only of minor concern. As such, from the view of "multifaceted personology, the five-factor model is one model in personality... not the model of personality" (McAdams, 1992: 355).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  In conclusion, the support and criticisms of the five factor model are not as black and white as would be hoped. Each argument has logical reasoning and can provide evidence to support itself. Each view also has a large number of supporters. Neither one is necessarily correct, as it is possible for the model to be applicable at some stages, and not applicable at others. As a result, it is probable and acceptable to conclude that the five factor theory may or may not be an appropriate model of personality. Perhaps a comparison of how much supporting literature there is for each argument is a useful method for deciding which theory an individual may choose to support.

Spanish Languages Influence on the Puerto Rican Identity Essay

Spanish Language's Influence on the Puerto Rican Identity The initial occupation of Puerto Rico by the Spaniards carries an important implication for language as part of the Puerto Rican identity. The Spanish language was imposed upon the inhabitants of the island, the Tainos, in the sixteenth century, when the Spanish inhabited the island in 1502, after the Spanish conquerors claimed the island in the name of Spain in 1493. Eventually, the Spanish had moved out or taken over the ways of the old and their culture infiltrated that of the Taino to create a new dimension of the first storey, where the Spanish language was incorporated as the building blocks of the foundation of the Puerto Rican identity (Figueroa, Sept.15). The Spanish maintained control over the island until 1898, when Spain relinquished Puerto Rico to the United States as a result of the Spanish American War. This change begins the construction of the third storey (the second storey involved the economic and political growth of the island under Spanish rule). The 400 years of Spanish history and influence on the island caused conflict for notions of identity and has great impact on Puerto Rican identity. Although the Spanish had come to the island and taken over, decimating the entire Taino population, Puerto Ricans now take pride in the fact that the Spanish contributes to their identity (a result of acculturation), and that they are a (mainly) Spanish speaking nation. Although it wasn't initially intended to be, the acquisition of Puerto Rico resulted in the island becoming an unincorporated territory (http://Welcome.ToPuertoRico.org/history.htm). The passing of various acts, such as the English Only Act (1902), the Foraker Law (1900- establishing un... ...". From Negrà ³n-Muntaner and Grosfoguel (Eds.), Puerto Rican Jam: Essays on Culture and Politics. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 257-285. Rivera, Angel, Q. "Music, Social Classes, and the National Question in Puerto Rico". In Glasser. Scarano, Francisco. "Sugar and Slavery in Puerto Rico, 1815-1849: An Overview," from Scarano, 1984, Sugar and Slavery in Puerto Rico: The Plantation Economy of Ponce, 1800-1850. Madison: U of Wisconsin Press. pp.3-34 Trà ­as-Monge, J. (1997). "The Shaping of a Colonial Policy". From Trà ­as-Monge, Puerto Rico: the Trials of the Oldest Colony of the World. New Haven: Yale University Press, 36-51. Walker, Rich. (1998). A Multicultural Alternative to Language and Nationalism. Http://frontpage.trincoll.edu/rwalker. Waxer, Lise. (October 29, 1998). Puerto Rican Music Between Rafael Hernandez and Rafael Cortijo.

Insanity vs Cleverness

Insanity and cleverness are defined as the state of being seriously mentally ill; madness and mentally bright; having sharp or quick intelligence. In this essay I will analyze the similarities Insanity and murder versus cleverness and murder as demonstrated in â€Å"The Tell-Tale Heart† and â€Å"Twins†. The information being examined will convey how insanity and cleverness are proven by the two characters the wife, Lucy, and the narrator, how both murders are planned and viewed in both perspectives, and the reactions towards their murders. To begin, insanity and cleverness are proven by the characters in a variety of ways.In â€Å"The Tell-Tale Heart† the narrator displays insanity by the characters desire to eliminate the eye, due to his mental instability. It was not his intentions to rob the old man nor kill him, it was his perceived threat and his obsession that consumed him and Influenced actions. â€Å"You should have seen how wisely I proceeded – with what caution – with what foresight – with what dissimulation I went to work! † (Poe, 1) the narrator, at this point had it planned in his mind that he needed to pursue his impulse and eliminate the eye. With precession and caution he knew exactly how he anted to proceed with this madness.The constant obsession of the eye demonstrated that in fact he was insane, shown by his periodic observations of the old man at night through the crack of his door, and his fixation with destroying the eye. The narrators frequent reassurance to himself that he was not mad rationalize his abnormal behaviors. The wife In â€Å"Twins† demonstrated cleverness by remaining calm about her husbands plan to murder her. As a result of her intuition it resulted in her survival. Lucy had no plan to react towards her husbands madness until he recorded with making his story come to life. â€Å"It wasn't a game.She said, it wasn't going to work† (Eric, 3) At this point she k new that her husband was going to shoot her, and with the advantage of knowing he had a gun she had unloaded it in order to save her life. This proves that she was clever by her removing the bullets out of the gun, and how she reacted to the gun being pointed at her. Due to her applied intelligence and understanding of the situation allowed for a positive outcome. Both murderers, Lucy and the narrator, had two deferent ways of proceeding with heir actions. The narrator displays madness when planning his murder by evolving the suspicion that he wanted to kill the evil eye.This was demonstrated by him changing his actions to be perceived as being pleasant towards the old man. With that, in his perspective he wasn't doing anything wrong but eliminating the eye, which increased his level of insanity. Also he appreciates the thought of murdering the evil eye to end the horror It put him through. â€Å"l made up my mind to take the life of the old man, and thus rid myself of the eye fore ver† (Poe, 1) this quote hill Lucy didn't. She had waited to see if her husband would re-load the gun when the time came to kill her.Lucy had listened to her husbands story and it allowed her to be intuitive and manipulated how the story was going to end. She had found the gun and unloaded it and waited in anticipation for her husband to pull out the gun and try to shoot. As she said â€Å"if she had not long known about the lady in the condominium, and if she had not come across his fishing tackle box with a loaded gun, the wig, the makeup kit, packed ready to go, while she was searching for a pair f pliers, she would never have wondered what he was up to† (Eric, 3), when the wife had found everything she did not allow the gun to make her react differently.As her husband pointed the gun at her she was confident that the bullets were not in the gun and had shot him her self. When the time came for the cops to find him she would be sure that a story could be made up. Fin ally, Lucy and the narrator had individual reactions towards their murders which caused them to be clever and insane. The narrator had woken the old man and had to make his move or there wouldn't be another chance † I placed my hand upon the earth and held it there many minutes. There was no pulsation. He was stone dead. His eye would trouble me no more. At this point his conscience had taken over and created a heart beat that only he could hear. The heart beat had made him panic and give in and admitted to the murder â€Å"Villains! † I shrieked, â€Å"dissemble no more! I admit the deed! ?tear up the planks! ?here, here! ?it is the beating of his hideous heart! â€Å". This proves his insanity for the reason that he continuously heard a heart beat that was boisterous. When Lucy was at gun point and she noticed there were no lets, her response was to kill her husband with the knowledge that her husband would try to kill her.Lucy had remained calm and collected and co ntinued his story however the story flipped and he was killed. In addition, she used her cleverness to wait until she called the cops to report her husband missing. When the cops had been called she was positive towards her reactions and her husband would not be found until spring. â€Å"When the first snow fell she knew they wouldn't find him until spring at the earliest, and then what would they find? A body, with no money in the allot, and the gun that killed him. She had used her cleverness to overpower her husbands murder plan and to her advantage her husband had already arranged the murder. The evidence above shows that the wife, Lucy and the narrator demonstrate insanity and murder versus cleverness and murder by the two characters the wife, Lucy, and the narrator, how both murders are planned and viewed in both perspectives, and the reactions towards their murders. As you can see with the evidence provided you are able to determine the differences between insanity and murde r versus cleverness and murder.

Change and Continuity 1492-1750 Essay

An example of continuity during this time period is how Spain continued to try to spread Christianity. They spread Christianity to the Americas in an attempt to convert them from â€Å"savages†. They expelled anyone who did not follow their religion just as Spain had for years. Conquistadors continued to spread this religion throughout the New World and also killed any opposition. One example of a change during this time period could be the introduction of the Triangular Trading Route which connected the Americas to Africa and Europe. The implication of this new system of trade was completely new to the natives of the Americas and brought them new goods. The implementation of the new trading route had a primarily negative effect on the natives of the Americas in the sense that it introduced new diseases to the Americas to which the natives were not immune. The reason they were not immune to these diseases was because they were never exposed to them and therefore had no opportunity to build up and immunity to them. These diseases ranged from small pox to measles. They killed millions of natives. This also lead to the start of the slave trade so that a new labor force could be used. Another example of change during this time period could be how the natives of the New World were forced into Christianity by the Catholic country of Spain. Originally, the natives of the Americas practiced a polytheistic religion which included human sacrifice, cannibalism, and of course multiple gods. When the Spanish arrived to the New World, they were appalled to see the rituals of these natives and thereby forced them into the monotheistic religion of Christianity. The way they thought Christianity was they took a child and educated them on the ways of Christianity and then sent the child back to the tribe to spread the ideas of Christianity. Zheng He could have discovered the Americas in as early as 1405, because he had the technology but he instead traveled around the Indian Ocean. If he had discovered the Americas, he could have made China a world power and spread the chinese culture to the Americas. Yet another example of change during the time period of 1492 to 1750 was the introduction of the encomienda system in the New World. The encomienda system is a form of feudalism introduced to the New World by Spain from the 1400s to the 1700s. The Spaniards would be paid by the native population for â€Å"protection†. The initial goal of the encomienda system was to spread Christianity throughout the New World. As stated previously they spread the religion by taking one child and teaching him to read, write, and comprehend the Christian religion. They would send the child back and instruct him to spread the religion. This forced the natives to convert to the Christian religion. The Spaniards offered little to no protection to the native population, but rather exploited them. The natives acted as a free labor force making Spain richer than ever before. This lead to yet another example of change, a dramatic reduction in the native population due to poor working conditions. Millions more died due to disease and violence inflected upon them by the Spaniards. In the end the native population was reduced by over 150 million. This also lead to an increase in the need for a labor force and so the Atlantic Slave Trade was introduced. In its time millions of Africans will be transported via boat and those who died or became sick on the treacherous voyage would simply be dumped overboard. The reason African slaves were a safe alternative to the Natives of the Americas was because they were immune to many diseases that that had wiped out the Natives of the Americas. That is why Africans were a more reliable slave labor force. This is why even though the time period of 1492 to 1750 had a lot of continuities, it had more changes.

Cultural Observation Essay

Cultural Observation Culture is the sum total of learned beliefs, values, and customs in which a people of a particular society live. Culture is dynamic and always changing but retains patterns that form its basic infrastructure. Many aspects of a people’s society make up one’s culture including religion, economy, language, politics, etc. Cultures are not finite and in many instances have there own number of sub cultures within them. This variation among cultures brings about man consequences between populations, which can be positive or negative. I have been given the task to use participant observation in order to form a complete report on the daily social interactions of humans in the Saint Louis area. The location I chose is in the middle of a higher learning environment known as a college campus. The area lies in the middle of the campus and has a large structure with a device that measures and tracks time. It is a frequently used path by the students of the campus, which allows for many social observations to be made. As stated earlier the space is a walking highway for students with the most traffic-taking place in the morning at the end of each hour for a period of about ten minutes. The pathway is a large round a bout that circles around the clock tower structure with 4 perpendicular paths continuing off from the circle. I sat on a large concrete staircase that overlooks the circle, for my observations. I sat for one and a half hours observing the following. For the duration of my observation, which began at 11:00am I had many people sitting on the stair case fixture in front of me. At one point there were a total of 23 people sitting on the concrete stairs. These 23 people were paired off in groups of no more than 6. When the time came closer to the end of the hour, there was a dramatic increase in traffic flow around the clock structure. Many of the people walked at a steady pace and seemed to have been walking solo. Some people walked in groups but if it was a group of more than one the majority walked in pairs. As the new hour began the traffic flow dramatically dropped. The make up of the study population varied in many categories. The ages of the people were predominantly that of 18-21 year olds, with occasional middle-aged people and young professionals. During the rush of traffic it seemed to have a larger population of females than males walking through the area. This was also found for the people who chose to sit on the concrete stairs. Of the people who sat down, 15 of them were female and the rest male. During the rush I noticed many different ethnicities that ranged from Caucasian white, to Asian, to Middle Eastern, and African American. Disregarding race, a pattern among the people arose during observation. The females leaned towards wearing more high cost garments than the males did. This related to the observation that many women seemed to be of high economic status in comparison to males. In regards to discernable space I found that females were much more prone to putting minimal space between themselves when interacting. Males seemed to keep a good distance from each other while interacting. For the majority, during the rush of walking traffic, people followed the rule of walking to there right while entering the circle even though this rule was not stated on any sign that I could see. Some people were more aggressive in there walking patterns and people on bicycle contraptions were permitted the right of way in most occasions. Physical interactions were most abundant among females and males who interacted. Males who were walking with a female had less space between them than males who were walking with another male. People sitting on the stairs would occasional engage in physical contact with the highest percentage of outcomes being a laugh following the physical touch. Overall I noticed a pattern that people of the same â€Å"race† for the majority stuck together, giving the impression of subcultures with in the population. Given the location, I concluded that the reason for all the people in the walking rush had the shared commitment of attending classes for learning purposes. For the people who sat down on the stairs it was much harder to find a reason for there public social interaction. The weather was optimal that day which would most likely attract such a leisurely activity response. The population was visually extremely diverse but some common trends were found that differentiated people. The most apparent difference was that of the nature of the people of Asian descent. They more than anyone kept to there own group and clearly spoke a different language than the rest of the population. This could be a barrier between them and the rest of the people who seem to speech the dominant language of the area. From my observations I have been able to determine many things about the population of Saint Louis. More research must be done especially with people of different ages in order to get a more accurate picture of how people in Saint Louis behave but from my observations many patterns stuck out among people from ages 18-21. One of the most puzzling aspects was the wearing of a garment on the top of a person’s head. I could not find a distinct pattern as to what type of people or what situations these head garments were supposed to be for. The only practical usage I came up with was the use of it to keep the sun of their eyes, but many did not use it for this purpose. If it pertains to simply a fashion accessory it would appear to be more common among younger male populations. Another observation was the commonality of wearing t-shirts or other garments that either said Saint Louis University or Saint Louis in some form. From this I have determined that people are proud of the organizations and areas they have some sort of investment in. This also led me to believe that people use their garments to communicate subtly to other people certain information about themselves. A majority of garments worn had some form of there language written on them. Overall more research must be done on the human race to cross-reference these ideas. It is obvious that culture is dynamic and works on several different levels in this complex society of people. Simply observing can tells us many things about there culture but will only get us so far. We must make plans to immerse ourselves in there actual culture to truly get an accurate picture of what it means to be part of Saint Louis, and ultimately, what it means to be human.